Using Traditional Gender Norms To Expand Gender: A Qualitative Study Of Old Time Dance Communities
Rasby Marlene Powell
Sociology, Social Work and Criminal Justice, University of North Carolina, Pembroke

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Abstract: This qualitative study shows how members of a voluntary recreational association known as the Old Time Dance Community use traditional gender norms to expand gender. Data include 49 open-ended interviews from participants in 15 states, participant observation at dances in 21 cities in 10 states, a survey of 243 participants from a convenience sample, and archival data. In old-time dance, gendered dance parts allow dancers to play with gender without risking their gender status because the gender norms are attached to the dance parts rather than the dancer. Thus dancers can move in and out of gender role in ways not possible outside the dance group such as cross-dressing, and flirting with same gender partners. This study finds that OTDC men expand gender by learning to be more playful and affectionate with one another. Women expand gender by learning to be less competitive with one another and by enjoying their femininity without guilt.

Introduction

Previous research finds that males and females, regardless of age, risk their gender identities when they cross or transgress gender boundaries. By gender boundaries, I mean the different expectations and prescriptions for masculinity and femininity (see Thorne 1994; Lorber 1996). Even though both men and women sometimes step outside their expected gender roles, research shows that most people in the U.S. tend to associate one set of attitudes and behaviors with men and a different set with women (Lorber 1996; Lorber 2001).

Although everyone faces risks for crossing gender boundaries, the risks differ by gender and age. Boys who act in ways designated as feminine risk being called names that question their masculinity (Thorne 1994). They also risk physical aggression and exclusion (McGuffey 1999). Similarly, men risk homosexual labeling, exclusion (Nielsen 2000), and physical violence (Bronski 2001). In contrast, girls risk being considered masculine by adults (Thorne 1994) and boys but not by other girls (McGuffey 1999). Even girls who retain feminine displays of affect risk being sanctioned by boys, but not girls, if they wear boy-type clothing or play boys' games (McGuffey 1999). Women who cross gender boundaries face direct and indirect remarks that situate them as sexual objects (Nielsen 2000).

While masculine and feminine gender roles have expanded to include more options for both genders over the past few decades, the conflation of sex with gender and gender with sexual identity (see Lorber 1996 and Nielson 2000) makes individual efforts to change gender risky. By sex, I mean whether one is male or female. By gender, I mean the social constructions of femininity and masculinity. By sexual identity, I mean whether one considers oneself heterosexual, homosexual, or bisexual. Conflating sex with gender leads to the assumption that females will necessarily be feminine and males will be masculine. Conflating gender with sexual identity leads to the assumption that if a male person is acting in ways considered feminine, he must be homosexual and vice versa. As Lucal (1999) points out, even when people try to bend gender by refusing to follow their prescribed gender roles, they are simply assumed to be acting like the other gender rather than trying to change gender itself. Gender prescriptions tend to be less rigidly enforced in both informal settings and voluntary associations than in formal and professional settings, but crossing gender boundaries in any setting involves risk (Thorne 1994; McGuffey 1999)

This grounded theory study extends both Thorne's (1994) and McGuffey's (1999) studies on gender play among children in two ways. First, I focus on how adults, rather than children, use play to negotiate gender. Second, I examine gender negotiations within a voluntary association rather than a formal organization. Both Thorne (1994) and McGuffey (1999) found that gender organizes behavior among children. Thorne finds that, through play, children can cross gender boundaries for short periods without sacrificing their masculinity and femininity as long as they return to appropriate gender behaviors after play. McGuffey (1999) finds that high status boys can transgress gender for short periods without risking teasing from other boys. On the other hand, she found that high status girls who cross gender boundaries gain the support of other girls but receive negative sanctions from boys. Both boys and girls, but especially boys, risk their gender status if they cross gender boundaries for more than short periods of time. Both Thorne (1994) and McGuffey (1999) found that, even under the auspices of play, there are limits to how far and how long children can cross gender boundaries without sanctions.

In this paper, I argue that members of the Old-Time Dance Community (OTDC) use the conflation of sex, gender and dance parts to expand gender. The OTDC is a voluntary recreational association that exists to promote and preserve traditional country dance and music (see below for description). Like most forms of partner dancing, old-time dance parts are gendered and prescribe heterosexual pairing of partners. Tradition holds that men dance the lead part and women, the follow part. In old-time dance, gender prescriptions attach to the dance parts and not to the person dancing the part. This allows both men and women to switch dance parts without risking their personal gender status since they are merely "playing the part of the other gender." Thus members can step in and out of opposite gender dance parts with little risk of gender degradation.

Two characteristics of old-time dance create a safety net that Thorne's and McGuffey's subjects did not have. Whereas many forms of play include role expectations for only one gender, old-time dance includes roles for both genders. For example, Thorne (1994) observed children playing football and jumping rope, activities prescribed for single gender players. Players who cross gender boundaries to participate in single gender activities have no gender appropriate role to fall back on when people question their gender status. They must drop out of the game or risk degrading their personal gender status. Framing dance parts as gendered allows both men and women to move in and out of dance parts because they have gender appropriate roles to fall back on.

Moreover, since gender attaches to the dance part rather than the dancer, it is the dance position on the floor that signifies what part a dancer is taking. Lead parts stand to the left of the follow part in most dance moves unless otherwise specified by the caller. Unlike single couple dancing where the leader decides which dance steps the couple will execute, group partner dancing requires that all dancers follow the instructions of the caller so that the dance may be executed without chaos. To do so, all leaders and followers must be in the same positions respective to one another. Dance calls are addressed to dance parts (positions on the floor) rather than men or women, per se.

The Old-Time Dance Community

The old-time dance community is an informal national network of old-time dance groups in the U.S. Although no formal national organization of the OTDC exists, approximately 600 local old-time dance groups around the U.S. are linked by several national and regional liaison organizations, folk schools, dance and music camps, and Internet forums. Who participates in the OTDC? Although people from infants to the elderly attend dances, 78 percent of my survey respondents were between 30 and 50 years old. Approximately 98 percent of the survey respondents were white, and 76 percent have a four year college degree or higher (see Powell 1997 for OTDC demographics). The survey results correspond with my observations.

Old-Time Dance

Old-time dance is an umbrella term that refers to dances rooted in the traditional country dances of the British Isles. Old-time dances include contra dances, New England square dances, Appalachian square dances, and Appalachian circle dances. In old-time dance, groups of couples dance in unison to the prompting of a caller rather than as single couples choosing their own choreography. Callers are persons who guide the dancers through a specific sequence of steps by calling out instructions. Old-time dances are typically danced to live bands playing "old-time tunes" that have their roots in the British Isles.

Whereas all partner dancing reproduces gender through the traditional gendering of dance parts, old-time dance also reproduces gender through the language of the dance calls. Dance calls are verbal prompts given by the caller to guide the dancers through the dance. Many old-time dances were written centuries ago. Dances written more recently tend to use the same language so as not to confuse dancers. Old-time dance calls refer to the lead part as the "gent's" part and the follow part as the "lady's" part. For example, "ladies to the center and back right out" directs the followers whereas "gents to the center for an allemande left" directs the leaders regardless of whether the dancers are male or female.

Old-time dance also differs from most other partner dancing in that it is considered a playful, community building activity and, thus, dancers are expected to switch partners after each dance. In addition, old-time dance etiquette mandates that the only acceptable reasons to turn down an invitation to dance are if you already have a partner or if you are sitting the dance out to rest. These traditions allow persons to come to dances alone or with a partner and still be assured an opportunity to dance. As a result, many groups tend to have high numbers of singles in their groups and be thought of as a single's scenes. On the other hand, other groups have as many married couples as singles in their groups (see Powell 1997 for group dynamics). Regardless of whether the group is composed mainly of singles or a mix of singles and married couples, old-time dance tends to be very playful and flirtatious. According to Cecil Sharp (1909), a dance historian, most of the dance moves in old-time dance are rooted in coquetry.

Data and Methods

Data Collection. The data for this paper are from a larger qualitative study of the OTDC. The data were collected between Spring 1993 and Winter 1996 through participant observation of local dance groups in 21 cities located in 10 states, personal interviews and focus group interviews, archival data, and questionnaires. Forty-nine open-ended interviews with current or former OTDC members from 15 states were completed. Interviews averaged approximately two and one-half hours. Interviewees ranged from 19 to 64 years of age. Although I was an "insider" in a local Florida dance group at the time of the research, 38 of the interviews are from outside of Florida and with persons unknown to me before the interview. Archival data include newsletters, pamphlets, fliers, address rosters, and weekly postings of the folk.dance.news group on Internet. To check validity of emerging concepts, a structured social survey from a convenience sample of 243 participants was administered. I received completed surveys from 13 states and one from a resident of Australia who had picked it up while visiting a dance event in the U.S.

Data Analysis. Field and archival data were analyzed using the grounded theory method outlined by Glaser and Straus (1967) and clarified by Martin and Turner (1986). The grounded theory method is a method that seeks to develop new theory and extend existing theory from qualitative data. Grounded theory does not attempt to test hypotheses. Adhering to Kleinman, Copp, and Henderson's (1997) suggestion, contradictions in the data were used to enhance understanding of the data. Survey data were used to provide demographics and as validity checks on interview and participant observation results.

Expanding Gender Boundaries

Old-time dancers cross gender boundaries regularly by acting in ways that are prescribed for the other gender. Most of their gender boundary crossing activity stays within the group. However, many members have expanded their repertoire of gender behaviors outside as well as inside the group. The following sections describe how members expand gender boundaries through (a) switching dance parts; (b) cross dressing; (c) rejecting derogatory images of gender; and (d) flirting for fun with both genders.

According to Turner (1983), the mask of irrelevancy that surrounds play allows actors to deal with conjecture and supposition by playing "as if" rather than dealing with "what is." Many OTDC members claim they have learned new ways of doing gender through playing with gender roles. OTDC members regularly act as if gender boundaries were flexible and interchangeable because gendered dance parts make it safe to do so.

Switching Dance Parts

Although most old-time dancers dance in their traditional parts most of the time, a majority claim that they switch parts occasionally. Of my survey respondents, more women (81%) than men (55.6%) switch parts at least occasionally. That fewer men are willing to risk switching dance parts is also reflected in the percentages of dancers who never switch parts. Forty-three percent of men and thirteen percent of women say they never dance with same sex partners. While no one seemed surprised that women would dance with same sex partners, both male and female interviewees said the willingness of so many men to switch parts signifies that gender is changing, "however slowly."

Dancers switch parts for several reasons. They switch to compensate for imbalances between the sexes, a common occurrence since many people attend dances alone. Some switch simply for the fun of it. Others want to dance with a specific person who just happens to be the same sex. Still others switch so they can learn the other dance part.

When more women than men attend a dance, women often dance together with one leading and one following. Men are less likely than women to dance together to compensate for sex imbalances. Interviewees believe this is because men's sexuality is more likely to be questioned than women's even with the safety of gendered dance parts. Donna, a 40-year-old dancer, believes this is why men find imbalances more upsetting than women.

The men get more upset than the women at an imbalance. I think it's because people, men especially, make a bigger deal about men dancing with each other than when women do. I like dancing the man's role sometimes. It's a challenge, and it lets me get to meet more of the women.

Participants believe men may face a double jeopardy by dancing with same sex partners. They claim that dance carries a feminine connotation in U.S. society, overall. Thus men who willingly risk their gender identity by dancing may be reluctant to add another risk by dancing with same sex partners. On the other hand, women's gender identity does not seem to be affected by dancing with other women.

Several men feel that dancing with other men threatens their masculinity. However, not all interviewees express the same level of fear. Older men and men from other cultures are less likely than younger, U.S. natives to dance with same gender partners. Moreover, some men are very uncomfortable with the idea of other men dancing together. Gene, a 37-year-old, not only refuses to switch parts but also objects to other men dancing together.

I have absolutely no desire to dance with other men. I have trouble with homosexuality. It's not so much that I think they are wrong, or anything like that. I really don't. I just don't see anything wrong with heterosexuality. Sometimes people try to make you feel guilty if you are heterosexual. [So the men in the group who dance together are homosexual?] Oh no, nothing like that, or at least not that I know of. But when you see men touching and stuff, it does make you wonder.

Gene's ambivalence about homosexuality was shared by many men in the group. OTDC participants tend to label the group as liberal and tolerant. Consequently, those who do not feel tolerant of some of the normative practices in the group often made contradictory or apologetic statements such as Gene's.

As mentioned previously, Lorber (1996) claims that sex, gender, and sexual identity often become conflated. Similar to Lorber, I find that some OTDC participants conflate dance parts with both gender and sexual identity. Phar (2001) points out that normative masculinity restricts affection among men to sports and war. Old-time dancing requires a great deal of touch and eye contact, activities typically viewed as affectionate. Some men in the OTDC believe that the willingness or desire to dance with same sex partners indicates femininity and, thus, homosexuality.

Only a few women expressed disdain at the thought of dancing with other women. They tended to be women who never dance with other women. Like the men, they conflated the idea of gender and sexual identity. One said, "I don't want to give people the idea I'm a lesbian."

Men who enjoy dancing together feel uncomfortable around men like Gene but not uncomfortable enough to stop "playing and having fun." Tony claims that "it is awkward to dance with other men because there are so many homophobic men, even in this group." Some men claim not to be bothered by homophobic attitudes. Barry, a 49-year-old, says that he receives enough support from the group to feel comfortable dancing with other men.

Dancing with men is permitted in the OTDC although there is a continuum. Some people are really surprised; some are delighted. But I enjoy it and enough other people do too. I think it's a good way for men to play together.

Some men dance with other men on a regular basis whether a gender imbalance exists or not. Dale, a 19-year-old, claims he does it for fun but also hopes to change people's attitudes about gender.

I really enjoy it [dancing with other men]. It doesn't mean you're changing your lifestyle. It's just about having as much fun with men as you do with women. I'm trying to make inroads into the idea that men can only dance with women. Women dance with other women. Why not men?

At the same time, men who dance together acknowledge that not everyone responds positively. Several described instances of responses that ranged from disdain to delight.

Although some men feel discomfort with same sex dancing, many of the newer dances include instructions for same sex dance moves. Thus, the willingness of the majority of both men and women to dance together, at least occasionally, coupled with same sex dance instructions supports the practice. Both men and women who switch parts claim they have become better dancers from learning both dance parts. Women learn the importance of giving clear and appropriate leads. Men learn to become more sensitive to the size and physical comfort of women partners.

Cross-Dressing in the OTDC

Cross-dressers in the OTDC tend to be men simply because there is very little a woman can wear that would label her as a cross-dresser. On occasion, women who dance the lead part will don men's neckties to signal that they are taking the lead part, but participants do not consider this cross-dressing. On the other hand, the few men who wear skirts occasionally attract immediate attention for cross-dressing. Not all men who dance with other men participate in cross dressing, but those who cross dress tend to be men who dance with other men. The typical cross-dressed man wears a woman's skirt with a man's t-shirt, men's sports socks and men's tennis shoes. There is no attempt to look feminine. In fact, most say they would not wear a dress because it would be too feminine. Barry, a 43-year-old, says:

I draw the line at wearing a dress, but one of the nice things about wearing a skirt is that the women are impressed. I guess they think it's nice that men would wear a skirt. Some people are turned off, more men than women. But it goes back to the acceptance in this group. It's O.K. to be who you are.

Thus, Barry is more interested in playing with gender boundaries and gaining attention from women than in appearing feminine.

When I asked women for their responses to men wearing skirts, several claimed it was "just part of the fun." On the other hand, most claimed they would not like it if the majority of men wore skirts or if some wore them consistently because it would cause too much confusion on the dance floor. One woman candidly said that she believes the real reason she prefers cross-dressing to be an occasional, rather than regular, activity is because she enjoys the differences between men and women.

I like it [men wearing skirts] because it indicates that this guy has a great sense of humor and a great spirit. But if all the guys did it, I wouldn't like it. [What wouldn't you like?] Who knows . . . maybe they would have prettier dresses than me. No really, I like that there is a difference between us. I like being a woman.

Although most women appreciated men who were willing to take gender risks, they clearly want to retain gender differences.

Rejecting Derogatory Images of Gender

One cannot observe an old-time dance without noticing that both men and women seem to exaggerate some aspects of gender and reject others. Both men and women say they appreciate the opportunity to play with gender without the fear of criticism. Men claim that, outside the group, they are constantly vigilant about maintaining their masculine image. Several said that dancing together or wearing skirts outside the group would cause people to automatically label them as homosexuals whereas, inside the group, the behaviors are simply labeled by most members as play. In contrast, many of the women said that, outside the group, they feel pressure to renounce their "femininity" to prove their commitment to women's issues. Several women expressed frustration at what they view as the "hypocritical stance of feminists who claim to be fighting for more rights by "simply making women into men."

Hugging is another behavior men claim is risky outside the group but not within the group. Even men who refuse to dance with one another tend to feel comfortable hugging. The amount of touching that occurs during the dance breaks down boundaries against hugging. John, a 48-year-old, claims that homophobia prevents men from learning to hug.

Hugging is something that is learned. There's a lot of homophobia among men, in general, about hugging. But a lot of guys in the OTDC hug each other. I think there is a lot of trust among the guys that are hugging each other.

Another man said, "To be honest, I never saw too many men hug before I joined the dance community, except as a joke." Many said that as their comfort level increased, they found themselves hugging male friends outside the dance setting also.

Women claim that the OTDC allows them to play with the fun parts of gender without the typical criticisms they receive outside the group. Many of the OTDC women reject the notion that to care about one's appearance means that one does not care about feminist issues. One woman said, "I'm tired of apologizing because I like being a woman, because I like to dress up and feel pretty." Others said they are tired of being criticized for not being "true feminists" simply because they enjoy their femininity. One woman pointed out that "saying that a 'real feminist' shouldn't look nice is just the flip side of saying our only quality is looks."

Several women claimed they enjoy partner dancing because the parts are gendered. Janet, a 32-year-old, said:

I really like to dance, and I feel graceful with a minimal effort. As a woman, I feel very feminine when I'm dancing. I really enjoy being able to get into that role. I should add that even though there is a role, it is not a role to pick somebody up. We [she and her romantic partner] went country dancing once, and I smiled at a person. He immediately thought I was trying to pick him up. Now I know why those women don't smile or have fun with their femininity.

Sally, a lesbian, agreed that a benefit of old-time dancing is that it allows her to feel feminine and to flirt for fun. She said she loved wearing pretty clothes and being complimented. She also liked being able to act very feminine without men assuming that she was looking for sex or a relationship.

It's fun to feel pretty to people, both women and men. [I notice that you dance with men most of the time.] Oh yes, that's part of the fun. Man and women are supposed to dance together here. So I can flirt to my heart's content, and it doesn't mean a thing because they all know I'm going home with Adrian, my partner. Some of these guys have been my flirting buddies for years, and I love them to pieces. But they know and I know that flirting is as far as it goes.

Many of the women interviewees claimed that looking feminine is a "fun" part of gender that has nothing to do with their seriousness about women's issues. They claim that looking nice is about enjoying the sexual differences between men and women.

Flirting for Fun with both Sexes

While flirting is not a prescribed part of old-time dance, it is so normative that participants consider it part of the dance. Sharp's (1909) finding that nearly all of the original dance moves are rooted in coquetry suggests that old-time dance has been flirtatious since its inception. Although I noted instances of playful flirting at every dance I observed, flirting behaviors are much more exaggerated in some regions than others. Dancers in the South and on the West Coast were more likely to engage in what participants labeled as "outrageous flirting." Although participants occasionally misunderstand another's intentions, more than 85 percent of survey respondents label flirting as "just play."

What constitutes flirting in the OTDC? Participants hold differing views about the definition of flirting. Some are offended when behaviors such as eye contact accompanied by smiling are labeled as flirting. Others claim that eye contact and smiling are components of flirting but are not always used as flirting behaviors. The majority say that flirting involves something more than simply making eye contact and smiling. They point out that eye contact and smiling can also be components of leering. Flirting is complex because the behaviors participants display when they are flirting are often the same behaviors they display when they are not flirting. The majority of interviewees and survey respondents believe that intent has as much to do with flirting as behavior does.

Mack, a 40-year-old, says he finds it difficult to describe the difference between flirting and nonflirting behavior at dances because flirting has a nonphysical component to it.

There's a lot of eye contact in flirting. Sometimes you sort of roll your eyes, but you don't have to. There's lots of smiling and grinning. It's kind of acting like you're in love with the person, whatever that means. But you can have eye contact and smile and not be flirting. I guess I'm flirting when I'm trying to attract and be attractive. It's playing.

Most participants agree that flirting is an attitude more than a behavior although it has behavioral components. This sometimes leads to misunderstandings between dance partners about whether smiles and eye contact are intended as flirting or just friendly gestures. Since flirting is considered play, these misunderstanding tend not to cause many problems.

Like other dance interactions, the majority of flirting occurs between opposite sex partners. Even though a majority of dancers claim to dance with same sex partners occasionally, they dance and flirt with opposite sex partners the majority of the time. Nearly 89 percent of survey respondents view flirting with opposite sex partners as part of the fun of old-time dancing. Slightly more than 91 percent of survey respondents strongly agreed or mostly agreed that old-time dances are safe places to flirt. Both men and women felt similarly. A minority of both survey respondents and interviewees do not engage in or enjoy the type of flirting that occurs in the group. Most who do not enjoy it tend to drop out of the group after a short while.

Participants say that playful flirting has several benefits. Flirting can make one feel attractive. It can boost the self-esteem of both the sender and receiver. Additionally, it gives men and women another way to play together that feels unsafe outside the group.

While flirting with opposite sex partners is a popular part of old-time dancing, fewer than half of the dancers flirt with same sex partners. Forty percent of survey respondents claim they flirt with same sex partners. They claim to get the same benefits from flirting with same sex partners as they get from flirting with opposite sex partners. Again, women are more likely than men to risk flirting with same sex partners. Both men and women who do flirt with same sex partners reason that since flirting in the OTDC is about play and not sex, they should be able to flirt with persons regardless of gender.

Women say they enjoy flirting with other women because it gives them the opportunity to interact with other women in noncompetitive ways. They claim their typical experience in mixed sex groups is one of competing with one another for the attention of the men. One woman said, "I don't like it when women only pay attention to other women when there are no men around. Let's change that." Flirting with one another helps women to bond in new ways and to develop new levels of trust.

Most of the men who were comfortable enough to discuss it say that they feel a great deal of fear and apprehension every time they flirt with other men. One man said, "Women can get away with stuff that men can't because they don't have to worry about being macho all the time." Some men wondered what it meant about them as men that they enjoyed flirting with other men although they felt no sexual attractions. Dale, a 19-year-old, enjoys shocking people.

Flirting with men is fun. I have to laugh at myself because a lot of the reason I like it is because I like to play with people's images. It's almost a risqué image. It's like any other deviation. I love it when guys are into the flirting and playing. It's fun, and I feel just as comfortable as I do with women.

Several of the men who claim not to flirt with other men responded to my questions with defensiveness by saying things such as, "What's wrong with liking women, anyway?" and "I come here to dance with women, not other men." After assuring them I was only interested in understanding the OTDC and no in making judgments, most opened up and talked freely about how difficult they find it to be a man in contemporary society. One asked, "How are we supposed to be tough and macho at the same time we are supposed to be one of these new age guys, all caring and sensitive?" My data support findings by Roese, Olson, Borenstein, Martin, and Shores (1992) in which they find that men tend to be more fearful than women of being labeled as homosexual. Women in the group did not worry about this issue.

On several occasions, I observed men who adamantly denied flirting with other men engage in the same behaviors they labeled as flirting when done with women. When I questioned them, they claimed they were "just goofing off," "playing around," or "acting silly." For example, some men may smile and make prolonged eye contact with both men and women in the dance line. Although their behavior looks the same to an observer, they label their interactions differently depending on the sex of the person with whom they are dancing. When interacting with men, smiling and eye contact are labeled as "just play." When interacting with women, the same behaviors are labeled as flirting. This illustrates the role of "intent."

Knowing that one will switch partners after each dance allows dancers to "act the fool" and exaggerate the flirting because the flirting will not be prolonged. Some dancers say this allows them to play with sexual energy with no intention of acting upon it. Nora, a 44-year-old describes flirting with a married friend of hers.

There are people I flirt with, like my friend Patrick, who are happily married but who will play with the sexual energy anyway. The kind of flirting I do with Patrick, if someone doesn't know him, or if they are new to this kind of dancing, they may think, "Oh my God, what does this guy want," or "hey, I'll meet you outside." But if they know him, it's so clear that we are both playing with the sexual energy, and it's so much fun.

Nora has been friends of both Patrick and his wife for years. Their flirting is not clandestine and is an accepted part of their friendship. Nora said that if it ever bothered Patrick's wife, she would stop immediately.

Several participants pointed out that the exaggerated type of flirting many dancers do is harmless as long as both parties understand that it is play. Mary, a 42-year-old, says:

Flirting is a sexual acting out, very frank. Flirting in the OTDC can be very sexually suggestive, but very safe because we know it is play.

Other participants, however, are uncomfortable with the sexual aspects of playful flirting. Lida, a 49-year-old, finds the sexual component both desirable and confusing.

I still worry about the flirting some. I love it, but I know there is a line somewhere - a boundary. Since I don't know exactly where it is, I'm a little scared of it. But the dances are safe places to try and figure all of this out.

Dancers agree that the flirting is part of the fun of the dance and consider it a safe activity since they quickly move from partner to partner. On the other hand, the playful flirting does lead to attractions, and many OTDC participants find romantic partners through their dance communities.

Consequences of Crossing Gender Boundaries in the OTDC

While not everyone in the OTDC crosses gender boundaries, a majority of OTDC participants cross boundaries in one way or another. Boundary crossers claim that their experiences inside the group have helped change their behaviors outside the group. Several pointed out that the OTDC provides them a safe place to practice new behaviors until they are comfortable enough to risk the behaviors outside the group. Both men and women claim that their experiences in the OTDC have made them more comfortable hugging others outside the OTDC setting. Likewise, both men and women claim they are more likely to smile and make eye contact with people in grocery stores and while walking down the street. Most said they feel less fearful about stepping outside gender norms.

Although many of the benefits are similar for both men and women, some notable differences emerged. Men benefit by expanding masculinity to include affectionate and playful behaviors with other men. Several of the men said they had never seen men hug except at a funeral before becoming involved with the OTDC. Men also learn to flirt with women without necessarily considering it precursor to sexual activity. In contrast, women benefit by being able to enjoy femininity without feeling guilty. Dancing and flirting with other women as well as men in a mixed sex setting allows women to interact in playful, noncompetitive ways. Several women claimed that this experience allows them to view women in less competitive ways both inside and outside the OTDC.

Conclusion

Ironically, OTDC members use gender to expand gender. Unlike the children studied by Thorne (1994) and McGuffey (1999), OTDC participants are able to permanently expand their gender behaviors through play. This is partly because old-time dance has roles for both genders which provides a sort of safety net. In addition, the voluntary nature of the OTDC provides participants an arena where gender prescriptions are not as rigidly enforced as in formal organizations. Thus, participants have more freedom to act in new ways without the same risks. People who are uncomfortable with the type of boundary crossing activities in the OTDC may simply drop out.

These findings suggest that adult play that include roles for both genders may provide men and women opportunities to expand gender behaviors. Additionally, these findings suggest that voluntary recreational associations provide an added factor of safety in that one is not required to participate. Moreover, voluntary associations can provide a sort of safe "practice arena" in which men and women can learn new ways of behaving without too much risk to their gender and sexual identities.

Finally, these data suggest that although men and women would like to change some gender norms, they would like to retain others. For example, men viewed cross-dressing as a fun way to get women's attention and women viewed it as a sign that a man had a good sense of humor and was secure in his masculinity. There was not attempt on the part of men to actually "look like women" and no desire among the women for men to do so. On the other hand, women did enjoy dressing in very feminine clothes. Many women are feeling pressured to "be like men" in the work place. The OTDC gives them an opportunity to celebrate their difference without being reminded that they are sexual objects.

My findings suggest a need for further research on the role of voluntary recreational associations for adults as a safe forum for gender expansion. Moreover, most gender studies focus on the negative aspects of gender such as status and opportunity differences. I believe more research is needed on the aspects of gender that men and women view as positive.

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About the Author: Dr. Rasby Marlene Powell is an assistant professor of sociology at the University of North Carolina at Pembroke. Her areas of interest are: community, gender, emotions, and qualitative methods. Her previous publications include work on rape processing organizations, TANF recipients, rural transportation problems, and the evolution of the old-time dance community. She is currently working on a book length manuscript on creating community through dance and music.